JANUARY 10 — Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s arrival in office has been welcomed by the international community. Apart from personal phone calls from world leaders, his appointment made headlines across the world, with positive coverage in the likes of the Nikkei Asia and New York Times.
To some in Malaysia, Anwar’s leadership symbolises a new era of rule of law. Abroad, he embodies the hope of a statesman that can manage the challenges of evolving geopolitical dynamics, a pivotal issue that his predecessors ignored.
The new government has its hands full with domestic issues such as increasing cost of living while other policy areas remain underdeveloped, especially on foreign policy. The newly appointed foreign minister Dr Zambry Abd Kadir has assured that the main principles of Malaysia’s foreign policy will be maintained but has so far refrained from commenting on issues before consulting the prime minister.
In the past, Malaysia’s foreign policy has been personality-driven, usually by the prime minister. The Look East Policy is closely associated with Tun Mahathir, while China’s Belt and Road Initiative projects are linked to Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s tenure as premier. Dr Zambry’s statement suggests that the same may be true for Anwar’s prime ministership.
But what could Anwar Ibrahim’s foreign policy look like?
Principles of non-alignment and cooperation have been identified to continue guiding Malaysia’s foreign policy. This means that Malaysia will not align to one major power and risk being entangled in great power rivalries, but instead uphold friendly and cooperative relations with all partners.
There are expectations that the Anwar government will be more proactive on human rights, given how groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International supported Anwar during his detention and incarceration.
Human rights was identified as a principle in both the 2019 and 2021 foreign policy frameworks for Malaysia. In 2021, Malaysia was elected to the UN’s Human Rights Council for the third time, and has promised to prioritise the rights of vulnerable groups such as indigenous peoples. In particular, Foreign Minister Zambry recently emphasised the need to ‘address the plight of the Palestinians and Rohingyas’ but remained muted on the more controversial Uighur issue. In the past, Anwar has publicly expressed concerns over Uighur issues, but his government will likely tread carefully on this while managing relations with China.
How Malaysia manages relations with China will be more closely watched than ever. In his maiden press conference, Anwar mentioned that it is important to balance relations between China, the United States, Europe, India and Asean. These all represent major stakeholders that have an interest in the Indo-Pacific, a region which has been gaining geostrategic significance.
The emergence of the Indo-Pacific concept has fundamentally changed Malaysia’s geostrategic environment. The various Indo-Pacific strategies published by major powers have increased contestations in the region, which creates both challenges and opportunities. In recent years, Putrajaya has adopted a cautious approach and has fallen short in responding to geopolitical developments in a timely or meaningful manner.
Pursuing non-alignment is not an excuse for Putrajaya’s lack of a stance on geopolitical developments. If anything, pursuing non-alignment means Malaysia should be able to clearly articulate its stance and demonstrate an independent foreign policy. Failing to do so risks being marginalised as a bystander while great power rivalry engulfs the region that Malaysia calls home. Instead, Putrajaya should adopt a proactive foreign policy, one that is guided by principles and national interest, not personality.
Moving forward, the government should publish a foreign policy approach that clearly articulates principles and priorities, and how it relates to present and future challenges. Existing foreign policy frameworks can be a starting point, but it needs to be thoroughly reviewed in light of a rapidly changing geostrategic environment.
For a start, the new framework should at least acknowledge the Indo Pacific region, something that was noticeable missing from the 2019 and 2021 frameworks. The prime minister’s comments during the press conference are an encouraging first glimpse of Malaysia’s potential Indo-Pacific outlook.
With every change of government there is hope for a better Malaysia, including in the international arena. Widely viewed as a modern Muslim statesman, Anwar has the potential to bridge the West, the Middle East and Asia in Malaysia’s foreign policy. He also has the opportunity to emphasise pragmatism in Malaysia’s foreign policy on issues such as human rights.
Malaysia risks losing relevance if we do not exercise our voice. We have it, we must dare to use it.
* Angelina Tan is a researcher with the Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia. This article is part of a policy wish list series.
** This is the personal opinion of the writer or organisation and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
