JANUARY 26 — It’s when the things you take for granted fail which shocks your system. In other words, to witness events one cannot brain.

I felt that working on Chinese New Year (CNY) a long time ago. Stationed in Manila, I was politely informed that the roads are not empty on the day in the Philippines. Made me sad.

It comes to mind this festive season as conversations pick up about Chinese population representation and the future for it.

This year as it is a weekend, there will only be one day of holiday in the form of a replacement day. One day. The vagaries of the calendar offer only a day of holiday and not the usual two. Suitable to ask, would decreasing Chinese population over the decades to come result in CNY losing half its allocated two days?

At Merdeka, two of every five Malayan was Chinese. It slid to one in four, or 25 per cent, a while back, and soon one in five. How low a number must it hit in order to not justify CNY’s parity with Hari Raya Aidilfitri?

Would 15 per cent be low, or closer to the 7 per cent of the population Indians are, the people who get one day for Deepavali?

Cultures, their relevance and social import are dynamic discussions not limited to public observation of holidays. While the United States has no Jewish public holidays, its culture and history is in the nation’s tapestry thanks mainly to Hollywood.

The deep association of race ratio to race relevance — well at least the broad acceptance of the premise in our reporting, arts and politics — which traps all conversations to numbers in Malaysia.

Singapore pulled all the stops to realise Malaysia in the 60s, but it was Borneo’s race equalisation potential which won over PM Tunku Abdul Rahman. Unsurprisingly, race complications forcibly amputated Singapore. 

In the early 70s, there were plenty of Chinese, even if less than Malays, which emboldened MCA’s Tan Siew Sin to ask for the deputy prime minister spot unsuccessfully. Explains why Gerakan when firmly ensconced in Penang, strengthened its Chinese credentials at the expense of its initial multicultural spine to present itself as worthy for the Penang Chinese. 

Which also explains the permanent space Umno had as deputy chief minister under Gerakan, which now PKR replaced in the DAP-led government. But not before Umno Penang asked to head the state when both MCA and Gerakan were in a weak position in the 90s, though rejected by Mahathir Mohamad because he wanted to respect the state’s Chinese majority.  

Or that a Kadazan chief minister for Sabah was seen as self-evident 50 years ago but the community has shrunk in relative population ratio in the state, rendering the most senior Kadazan a “better” fit to be deputy chief minister.

So, as history has shown, population ratio wins arguments in Malaysia — not reasons.

The false premise

Of course this changes if the premise is not accepted, which is what I am waiting for, politicians who’d point out to their lazy opponents that assuming demographics translates to a fixed world view or need is archaic, insulting and intellectually suspect.

While I wait for that, what else can be expected other than holidays being re-rationalised, with sliding population numbers?

Well, one would be sliding away from memory. Already there is scant mention of the Chinese in the history books, so much that casual observers would not be at fault to assume the community only arrived after the war.

The reimagining of our history continues, though some blame can be laid at the doorstep of the Chinese community. While the state may dictate official propaganda and textbooks, it is popular entertainment which cements itself as the shaper of national opinion.

The over-reliance on Chinese languages, and silo living denied Chinese expression which was stuck to the vernacular to stake meaningful space in Malay-based entertainment. It is damning further since the movie studios were Singapore based and the biggest player Malay Film Productions Ltd belonging to Runme Shaw and Run Run Shaw.

This is how Steven Spielberg’s Schindler’s List, Otto Preminger’s Exodus, Norman Jewison’s Fiddler on the Roof, Barbra Streisand’s Yentl and Roman Polanski’s The Pianist, for instance, reinforce the Jewish community’s cultural space in the US.

As much as Hang Tuah from Malay Film Productions is used as a reminder of Malay unity, a movie on the Larut War would have been bad at the box-office but great today to tell people that Chinese clans grappled for power more than 150 years ago in Perak. That the Chinese are part of Perak’s story, and stories elsewhere in the federation.

The great emigration

Would it be possible that a tipping point exists, when enough leave those remaining find urgency to follow? It’s not harsh to speculate, that the alarming drops along with constant reminders of the country’s pecking order would accelerate departures.

The other ethnic minorities are probably normalised to living in uniquely administered Malaysia, but since the Chinese are the key thrust to discussions to the needs of ethnic prioritisation or dominance through economic strength, a demonstrable shift in ratio may have a more far-reaching effect on the community’s comfort levels in a stranger Malaysia.

Finally, would the irrational fear of the Chinese — conflated by a Communist past continually reinforced by the government — reduce when there are substantially fewer Chinese people in Malaysia?

DAP’s electoral results are paraded by Umno as a clear and present danger to Malay dominance, would the bogeyman’s threat shrink with fewer Chinese majority seats? Would public empathy shift if Umno overplays this existentialist threat when only one in 10 Malaysian is Chinese?

How about more Malaysia and less race-baiting?

There can never be a better argument for building better foundation, or revisiting foundations, than Malaysia.

A self-interested Britain consigned Asians to race-based insecurities as a means to retain power through negating consolidated opposition to their rule. Unfortunately, those they left the colonies to decided to opt for power rather than nation-building because the latter risks the former.  

And it has been an ever-adjusting model bloated on all sides, surviving rather than thriving. The abyss is completed by recurring contenders trying balancing acts with the calamitous race-model rather than investing in a future without our colonial chains.

How about rather than irresponsibly asking a section of Malaysians to make babies, as Mahathir did to advance his single race stratagem, tell all Malaysians to have babies if they can, if they want and with whoever they want to?

Child-rearing is about couples and families and it should not have any bearing on power. Does it matter who has GPS locked-in to maternity wards?

The same goes for emigration. People should exit if the grass seems greener elsewhere. But it should never be evident that a country’s sentiments is instructed by race, and that we don’t rue a long goodbye from anyone who grew up here. It is a sacred bond, between a man and where he is born. Governments are in place to celebrate the bond, not question it.

At least this weekend

I’m going to have fun this CNY. I’d be disappointed otherwise.

If one day in Malaysia CNY ends up as another working day, what would it mean? The march of globalisation or a reminder to us that we’ve ended a profound sense of diversity for a false sense of security through demographical absolutes?

That’s clearly a philosophical concept to be grappled with, but I hope sincerely, those who do have to decide do so with Malaysia in mind rather than political outcomes.

As for me, I have the present. Tomorrow is two anniversary meals followed by a large one on Sunday. There will be laughter, drinking, bad jokes and card-games. Wish me some ong. I’m on a budget this year. 

* This is the personal opinion of the columnist.